Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi rebels are increasing their attacks on ships in the Red Sea, which they claim are in retaliation for Israel’s military war in Gaza. The bombings have prompted some of the world’s largest ships and oil corporations to halt passage through one of the world’s most crucial maritime commerce routes, potentially causing a global economic shock. The Houthis are thought to have been armed and trained by Iran, and there are fears that their strikes would escalate Israel’s fight with Hamas into a larger regional conflict. Here’s what we know about the Houthis and why they’ve joined the fight.
The Houthi movement, also known as Ansarallah (Supporters of God), is one side of Yemen’s nearly decade-long civil conflict
The Houthi movement, also known as Ansarallah (Supporters of God), is one side of Yemen’s nearly decade-long civil conflict. It first appeared in the 1990s, when its leader, Hussein al-Houthi, established “Believing Youth,” a religious revival campaign for Zaidism, a centuries-old branch of Shia Islam. The Zaidis dominated Yemen for centuries until being suppressed by the Sunni dictatorship that took power following the 1962 civil war. Al-Houthi’s organization was created to represent Zaidis and oppose radical Sunnism, notably Saudi Wahhabi views. His closest adherents were dubbed Houthis.
Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemen’s first president following the union of North and South Yemen in 1990, initially supported the Believing Youth. However, as the movement’s popularity grew and anti-government rhetoric got more strident, it challenged Saleh. Things came to a climax in 2003, when Saleh supported the US invasion of Iraq, which many Yemenis opposed. The schism presented an opening for al-Houthi. He capitalized on public outrage by organizing massive protests. After months of chaos, Saleh issued an arrest warrant for him. The Yemeni military murdered al-Houthi in September 2004, but his movement survived. As additional fighters joined the cause, the Houthi military wing strengthened.
Saleh decided to pass up authority to his Vice President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi in 2011
Saleh decided to pass up authority to his Vice President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi in 2011, although this government proved unpopular. The Houthis struck again in 2014, seizing control of parts of Yemen’s capital Sanaa before attacking the presidential palace early the following year. Hadi escaped to Saudi Arabia, which, at his request, launched a war against the Houthis in March 2015. What was supposed to be a quick campaign dragged on for years: In 2022, a cease-fire was ultimately reached. It expired after six months, but the warring sides have not resumed full-scale fighting.
The United Nations has declared Yemen’s war to be the world’s worst humanitarian calamity. During the fighting, about a quarter of a million people have been slain. Since the ceasefire, the Houthis have gained control of the majority of northern Yemen. They have also sought a compromise with the Saudis to stop the war and consolidate their position as the country’s rulers. The Houthis are supported by Iran, which began boosting its help to the organization in 2014 as the civil conflict deteriorated and its antagonism with Saudi Arabia grew. According to a 2021 research from the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Iran has provided the organization with weaponry and technology for, among other things, sea mines, ballistic and cruise missiles, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs, or drones).
The Houthis form part of Iran’s so-called “Axis of Resistance” – an Iran-led anti-Israel and anti-Western alliance of regional militias backed by the Islamic Republic. Along with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis are one of three prominent Iran-backed militias that have launched attacks on Israel in recent weeks.
While the Houthis are unlikely to represent a real threat to Israel, their technology has the potential to cause chaos in the Red Sea
Officials in the United States have been following incremental advancements in the range, accuracy, and lethality of the Houthis’ domestically built missiles. Initially, home-grown Houthi weapons were mostly constructed with Iranian components smuggled into Yemen in bits, according to an official familiar with US information. However, they have made gradual changes that have resulted in significant overall gains, according to the official. In an unusual move, the Houthis launched a salvo of medium-range ballistic missiles at Israel’s southern region of Eilat in early December, which Israel said it intercepted.
While the Houthis are unlikely to represent a real threat to Israel, their technology has the potential to cause chaos in the Red Sea. They have deployed drones and anti-ship missiles to target commercial ships, some of which are not thought to be linked to Israel, forcing the USS Carney, a Red Sea destroyer, to respond to distress calls. While the Houthis may lack the capabilities of Hamas and Hezbollah because to geography and technology, their strikes on commercial ships in the Red Sea may inflict a different kind of agony on Israel and its allies.
There are concerns that the Houthi drone and missile strikes on commercial vessels
The global economy has been served a series of painful reminders of the importance of this narrow stretch of sea, which runs from the Bab-el-Mandeb straits off the coast of Yemen to the Suez Canal in northern Egypt – and through which 12% of global trade flows, including 30% of global container traffic. In 2021, a ship dubbed the Ever Given ran aground in the Suez Canal, closing the crucial commerce artery for about a week, stranding up to $10 billion in cargo per day and triggering long-term disruptions to global supply networks. There are concerns that the Houthi drone and missile strikes on commercial vessels, which have been practically daily since December 9, will create an even greater blow to the global economy.
Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd, CMA CGM Group, and Evergreen, four of the world’s five leading shipping companies, have indicated that they will halt shipping via the Red Sea due to Houthi attacks. BP announced on Monday that it would do the same, causing oil and gas prices to rise. The attacks could compel ships to take a far longer path around Africa, increasing insurance costs. Companies may pass on increased transportation costs to customers, raising prices at a time when governments throughout the world are struggling to control post-pandemic inflation.
The attacks could be intended to drag more countries into the conflict
The Houthis say they will only back down if Israel allows food and medicine into Gaza; its strikes could be aimed at inflicting economic anguish on Israel’s supporters in the belief that it will put pressure on Israel to stop bombing the territory. As they aspire to govern northern Yemen, championing the Palestinian cause could be an attempt to garner legitimacy at home and in the region. The attacks could be intended to drag more countries into the conflict. Israel has warned that it is ready to act against the Houthis if the international community does not. National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi said this month that there needs to be a “global arrangement” to address the threat “because it is a global issue,” referring to the Houthi attacks as a “naval siege.”
According to a senior US military officer, at least 12 commercial and merchant vessels in the Red Sea had been attacked in the previous month, with the intensity of the strikes unprecedented in “two generations.” According to the official, the strikes affected at least 44 countries with ties to those vessels, but the international impact was likely greater due to the far-reaching implications of global trade. The US on Monday announced a new multinational naval task force comprising the United Kingdom, Bahrain, Canada, France, Norway and others, to “tackle the challenge posed by this non-state actor” that “threatens the free flow of commerce, endangers innocent mariners, and violates international law.”
A Houthi spokesperson, Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, warned Al Jazeera on Monday that the organization would face any US-led coalition in the Red Sea. Just as the Biden administration is beginning to cave into demands to compel Israel to end its campaign in Gaza, the US may find itself drawn deeper into the Middle East by the motley – but effective – Houthi rebels who have made themselves unavoidable.
